Lucknow — Ahead of the Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections, state’s Backward Class Welfare Minister Anil Rajbhar had repeatedly indicated that the Yogi government was planning to split the 27% OBC reservation into three categories: Backward, More Backward, and Most Backward. Although a detailed plan was prepared to divide the OBC reservation, it has remained stalled. The situation for the Yogi government has become akin to “caught between the devil and the deep blue sea.” The idea, once touted as a decisive electoral promise, now seems to have become a mere slogan used during elections.
With the 2019 Lok Sabha elections in mind, the Yogi Adityanath-led BJP government had formed the Uttar Pradesh Social Justice Committee for Backward Classes in 2018 under the chairmanship of Justice Raghvendra Kumar, tasked with preparing a formula for the division of OBC reservations. The committee submitted its report long ago, but the government has yet to act on it—primarily due to concerns about political gain or loss rather than ensuring justice. Many believe this report may face the same fate as the Social Justice Committee of 2001, headed by Hukam Singh, which was never implemented.
Tough Political Opposition
The proposed sub-categorization of OBC reservations has faced stiff opposition from the Samajwadi Party and BJP ally Apna Dal (S), making it politically tricky. Dividing the OBC reservation has become a sensitive issue for the government, particularly as it fears alienating its core Kurmi vote bank. Justice Raghvendra Kumar’s committee recommended dividing the 27% OBC quota into 7% for Backward, 11% for More Backward, and 9% for Most Backward categories. The report stated that 67.56% of the reservation benefits went to a single dominant caste, which is against the principles of social justice.
According to the report, castes like Yadav, Kurmi, Kushwaha, and Jat have disproportionately benefited from the 27% OBC quota in Uttar Pradesh. This has led to rising demands from other OBC communities for a more equitable distribution. The BJP, which came to power in 2017 by mobilizing non-Yadav OBCs, had promised to address this imbalance. Consequently, the four-member committee led by Justice Kumar submitted its report to the government in 2019, but it remains unpublished and ignored—much like the 2001 report.
Political Fallout
This issue has already created political rifts. Om Prakash Rajbhar, leader of Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party, broke away from the BJP and resigned from the cabinet over the government’s reluctance to divide the OBC reservation. Meanwhile, BJP ally Apna Dal (S) has openly opposed any division, with party leader Anupriya Patel voicing her disapproval.
Ch. Lautan Ram Nishad, national spokesperson of the Indian OBC Mahasabha, cited the Karpoori Thakur formula implemented in Bihar since 1978 and noted that Andhra Pradesh has divided OBCs into categories A, B, C, D, and E. He emphasized that sub-categorization is essential for fair distribution but must be executed with genuine intent. He also stressed the need for proportional reservation for OBCs similar to SC/ST, which necessitates caste-wise population data collection and a scientific redistribution of quotas.
234 Castes Under OBC in Uttar Pradesh
Uttar Pradesh has 79 core OBC castes and a total of 234 castes including sub-castes under the OBC category. The Social Justice Committee recommended categorizing them into Backward, More Backward, and Most Backward groups. Yadav, Kurmi, Jat, Sonar, and similar economically dominant castes are recommended to be included under Backward (7%), while artisan and agrarian castes like Gosain, Lodh, Kushwaha, Kumhar, Mali, Pal, Lohar, totaling 65 castes, are to get 11% as More Backward. The Most Backward group, including Mallah, Nishad, Binds, Dhivar, Kahar, Ghosi, Rajbhar, and others, amounting to 95 castes, is to be allocated 9%.
Caste remains at the core of Uttar Pradesh’s politics. While Yadavs are traditionally aligned with the Samajwadi Party, Kurmis and Kushwahas are fragmented across BJP, SP, and Apna Dal. The Most Backward Castes, previously loyal to BJP, have started gravitating towards SP in recent elections. Apna Dal’s base lies with the Kurmi community, and it continues to advocate for reservation based on population share, a demand echoed by SP as well. Given these dynamics, the Yogi government has kept the report in limbo for over five years.
National Scenario on OBC Sub-Categorization
The central government too formed the National OBC Sub-Categorization Commission on October 2, 2017, headed by Justice G. Rohini. The commission received its 13th extension, with a report due by January 31, 2023, and has indicated four categories within OBCs. However, the BJP government remains silent on implementing the Justice Rohini and Justice Kumar committee recommendations.
Not a New Concept
Sub-categorization of OBCs is not new. According to Ch. Lautan Ram Nishad, several states like Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Telangana, Maharashtra, Bihar, Jharkhand, and West Bengal have already implemented 2-5 OBC sub-groups. Even during UPA-2, a commission under Justice V. Eshwaraiah recommended caste-based census and data collection for a scientific redistribution of OBC quotas.
Despite the pressing need for social justice and fair representation within OBCs, the Uttar Pradesh government’s hesitation stems from political risks. Until there is transparent data and willingness to act, the recommendations of Justice Raghvendra Kumar’s committee may continue to gather dust, leaving the question open: The question thus remains Will social justice remain a promise, or will it finally be implemented?
